Economic Meltdown: The “Dollar Glut” is What Finances
America’s Global Military Build-up
by Prof. Michael Hudson
I am traveling in Europe for three weeks to discuss the global
financial crisis with government officials, politicians and labor
leaders. What is most remarkable is how differently the financial
problem is perceived over here. It’s like being in another economic
universe, not just another continent.
The U.S. media are silent about the most important topic policy
makers are discussing here (and I suspect in Asia too): how to
protect their countries from three inter-related dynamics: (1) the
surplus dollars pouring into the rest of the world for yet further
financial speculation and corporate takeovers; (2) the fact that
central banks are obliged to recycle these dollar inflows to buy
U.S. Treasury bonds to finance the federal U.S. budget deficit; and
most important (but most suppressed in the U.S. media, (3) the
military character of the U.S. payments deficit and the domestic
federal budget deficit.
Strange as it may seem and irrational as it would be in a more
logical system of world diplomacy the “dollar glut” is what
finances America’s global military build-up. It forces foreign
central banks to bear the costs of America’s expanding military
empire effective “taxation without representation.” Keeping
international reserves in “dollars” means recycling their dollar
inflows to buy U.S. Treasury bills U.S. government debt issued
largely to finance the military.
To date, countries have been as powerless to defend themselves
against the fact that this compulsory financing of U.S. military
spending is built into the global financial system. Neoliberal
economists applaud this as “equilibrium,” as if it is part of
economic nature and “free markets” rather than bare-knuckle
diplomacy wielded with increasing aggressiveness by U.S. officials.
The mass media chime in, pretending that recycling the dollar glut
to finance U.S. military spending is “showing their faith in U.S.
economic strength” by sending “their” dollars here to “invest.” It
is as if a choice is involved, not financial and diplomatic
compulsion to choose merely between “Yes” (from China,
reluctantly), “Yes, please” (from Japan and the European Union) and
“Yes, thank you” (Britain, Georgia and Australia).
It is not “foreign faith in the U.S. economy” that leads
foreigners to “put their money here.” This is a silly
anthropomorphic picture of a more sinister dynamic. The
“foreigners” in question are not consumers buying U.S. exports, nor
are they private-sector “investors” buying U.S. stocks and bonds.
The largest and most important foreign entities putting “their
money” here are central banks, and it is not “their money” at all.
They are sending back the dollars that foreign exporters and other
recipients turn over to their central banks for domestic
currency.
When the U.S. payments deficit pumps dollars into foreign
economies, these banks are being given little option except to buy
U.S. Treasury bills and bonds which the Treasury spends on
financing an enormous, hostile military build-up to encircle the
major dollar-recyclers China, Japan and Arab OPEC
oil producers. Yet these governments are forced to recycle dollar
inflows in a way that funds U.S. military policies in which they
have no say in formulating, and which threaten them more and more
belligerently. That is why China and Russia took the lead in
forming the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) a few years
ago.
Here in Europe there is a clear awareness that the U.S. payments
deficit is much larger than just the trade deficit. One need merely
look at Table 5 of the U.S. balance-of-payments data compiled by
the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) and published by the Dept. of
Commerce in its Survey of Current Business to see that the deficit
does not stem merely from consumers buying more imports than the
United States exports as the financial sector de-industrializes its
economy. U.S. imports are now plunging as the economy shrinks and
consumers are now finding themselves obliged to pay down the debts
they have taken on.
Congress has told foreign investors in the largest dollar
holder, China, not to buy anything except perhaps used-car
dealerships and maybe more packaged mortgages and Fannie Mae stock
the equivalent of Japanese investors being steered into spending
$1 billion for Rockefeller Center, on which they subsequently took
a 100% loss, and Saudi investment in Citigroup. That’s the kind of
“international equilibrium” that U.S. officials love to see. “CNOOK
go home” is the motto when it comes to serious attempts by foreign
governments and their sovereign wealth funds (central bank
departments trying to figure out what to do with their dollar glut)
to make direct investments in American industry.
So we are left with the extent to which the U.S. payments
deficit stems from military spending. The problem is not only the
war in Iraq, now being extended to Afghanistan and Pakistan. It is
the expensive build-up of U.S. military bases in Asian, European,
post-Soviet and Third World countries. The Obama administration has
promised to make the actual amount of this military spending more
transparent. That presumably means publishing a revised set of
balance of payments figures as well as domestic federal budget
statistics.
The military overhead is much like a debt overhead, extracting
revenue from the economy. In this case it is to pay the
military-industrial complex, not merely Wall Street banks and other
financial institutions. The domestic federal budget deficit does
not stem only from “priming the pump” to give away enormous sums to
create a new financial oligarchy. It contains an enormous and
rapidly growing military component.
So Europeans and Asians see U.S. companies pumping more and more
dollars into their economies, not only to buy their exports in
excess of providing them with goods and services in return, and not
only to buy their companies and “commanding heights” of privatized
public enterprises without giving them reciprocal rights to buy
important U.S. companies (remember the U.S. turn-down of China’s
attempt to buy into the U.S. oil distribution business), and not
only to buy foreign stocks, bonds and real estate. The U.S. media
somehow neglect to mention that the U.S. Government is spending
hundreds of billions of dollars abroad not only in the Near East
for direct combat, but to build enormous military bases to encircle
the rest of the world, to install radar systems, guided missile
systems and other forms of military coercion, including the “color
revolutions” that have been funded and are still being funded
all around the former Soviet Union. Pallets of shrink-wrapped $100
bills adding up to tens of millions of the dollars at a time have
become familiar “visuals” on some TV broadcasts, but the link is
not made with U.S. military and diplomatic spending and foreign
central-bank dollar holdings, which are reported simply as
“wonderful faith in the U.S. economic recovery” and presumably the
“monetary magic” being worked by Wall Street’s Tim Geithner at
Treasury and Helicopter Ben Bernanke at the Federal Reserve.
Here’s the problem: The Coca Cola company recently tried to buy
China’s largest fruit-juice producer and distributor. China already
holds nearly $2 trillion in U.S. securities way more than it
needs or can use, inasmuch as the United States Government refuses
to let it buy meaningful U.S. companies. If the U.S. buyout would
have been permitted to go through, this would have confronted China
with a dilemma: Choice #1 would be to let the sale go through and
accept payment in dollars, reinvesting them in what the U.S.
Treasury tells it to do U.S. Treasury bonds yielding about 1%.
China would take a capital loss on these when U.S. interest rates
rise or when the dollar declines as the United States alone is
pursuing expansionary Keynesian policies in an attempt to enable
the U.S. economy to carry its debt overhead.
Choice #2 is not to recycle the dollar inflows. This would lead
the renminbi to rise against the dollar, thereby eroding China’s
export competitiveness in world markets. So China chose a third
way, which brought U.S. protests. It turned the sale of its
tangible company for merely “paper” U.S. dollars which went with
the “choice” to fund further U.S. military encirclement of the
S.C.O. The only people who seem not to be drawing this connection
are the American mass media, and hence public. I can assure you
from personal experience, it is being drawn here in Europe. (Here’s
a good diplomatic question to discuss: Which will be the first
European country besides Russia to join the S.C.O.?)
Academic textbooks have nothing to say about how “equilibrium”
in foreign capital movements speculative as well as for direct
investment is infinite as far as the U.S. economy is concerned.
The U.S. economy can create dollars freely, now that they no longer
are convertible into gold or even into purchases of U.S. companies,
inasmuch as America remains the world’s most protected economy. It
alone is permitted to protect its agriculture by import quotas,
having “grandfathered” these into world trade rules half a century
ago. Congress refuses to let “sovereign wealth” funds invest in
important U.S. sectors.
So we are confronted with the fact that the U.S. Treasury
prefers foreign central banks to keep on funding its domestic
budget deficit, which means financing the cost of America’s war in
the Near East and encirclement of foreign countries with rings of
military bases. The more “capital outflows” U.S. investors spend to
buy up foreign economies the most profitable sectors, where the
new U.S. owners can extract the highest monopoly rents the more
funds end up in foreign central banks to support America’s global
military build-up. No textbook on political theory or international
relations has suggested axioms to explain how nations act in a way
so adverse to their own political, military and economic interests.
Yet this is just what has been happening for the past
generation.
So the ultimate question turns out to be what countries can do
to counter this financial attack. A Basque labor union asked me
whether I thought that controlling speculative capital movements
would ensure that the financial system would act in the public
interest. Or is outright nationalization necessary to better
develop the real economy?
It is not simply a problem of “regulation” or “control of
speculative capital movements.” The question is how nations can act
as real nations, in their own interest rather than being roped into
serving whatever U.S. diplomats decide is in America’s
interest.
Any country trying to do what the United States has done for the
past 150 years is accused of being “socialist” and this from the
most anti-socialist economy in the world, except when it calls
bailouts for its banks “socialism for the rich,” a.k.a. financial
oligarchy. This rhetorical inflation almost leaves no alternative
but outright nationalization of credit as a basic public
utility.
Of course, the word “nationalization” has become a synonym for
bailing out the largest and most reckless banks from their bad
loans, and bailing out hedge funds and non-bank counterparties for
losses on “casino capitalism,” gambling on derivatives that
AIG and other insurers or players on the losing side
of these gambles are unable to pay. Such bailouts are not
nationalization in the traditional sense of the term bringing
credit creation and other basic financial functions back into the
public domain. It is the opposite. It prints new government bonds
to turn over along with self-regulatory power to the financial
sector, blocking the citizenry from taking back these
functions.
Framing the issue as a choice between democracy and oligarchy
turns the question into one of who will control the government
doing the regulation and “nationalizing.” If it is done by a
government whose central bank and major congressional committees
dealing with finance are run by Wall Street, this will not help
steer credit into productive uses. It will merely continue the
Greenspan-Paulson-Geithner era of more and larger free lunches for
their financial constituencies.
The financial oligarchy’s idea of “regulation” is to make sure
that deregulators are installed in the key positions and given only
a minimal skeleton staff and little funding. Despite Mr.
Greenspan’s announcement that he has come to see the light and
realizes that self-regulation doesn’t work, the Treasury is still
run by a Wall Street official and the Fed is run by a lobbyist for
Wall Street. To lobbyists the real concern isn’t ideology as such
it’s naked self-interest for their clients. They may seek out
well-meaning fools, especially prestigious figures from academia.
But these are only front men, headed as they are by the followers
of Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago. Such individuals
are put in place as “gate-keepers” of the major academic journals
to keep out ideas that do not well serve the financial
lobbyists.
This pretence for excluding government from meaningful
regulation is that finance is so technical that only someone from
the financial “industry” is capable of regulating it. To add insult
to injury, the additional counter-intuitive claim is made that a
hallmark of democracy is to make the central bank “independent” of
elected government. In reality, of course, that is just the
opposite of democracy. Finance is the crux of the economic system.
If it is not regulated democratically in the public interest, then
it is “free” to be captured by special interests. So this becomes
the oligarchic definition of “market freedom.”
The danger is that governments will let the financial sector
determine how “regulation” will be applied. Special interests seek
to make money from the economy, and the financial sector does this
in an extractive way. That is its marketing plan. Finance today is
acting in a way that de-industrializes economies, not builds them
up. The “plan” is austerity for labor, industry and all sectors
outside of finance, as in the IMF programs imposed on
hapless Third World debtor countries. The experience of Iceland,
Latvia and other “financialized” economies should be examined as
object lessons, if only because they top the World Bank’s ranking
of countries in terms of the “ease of doing business.”
The only meaningful regulation can come from outside the
financial sector. Otherwise, countries will suffer what the
Japanese call “descent from heaven”: regulators are selected from
the ranks of bankers and their “useful idiots.” Upon retiring from
government they return to the financial sector to receive lucrative
jobs, “speaking engagements” and kindred paybacks. Knowing this,
they regulate in favor of financial special interests, not that of
the public at large.
The problem of speculative capital movements goes beyond drawing
up a set of specific regulations. It concerns the scope of national
government power. The International Monetary Fund’s Articles of
Agreement prevent countries from restoring the “dual exchange rate”
systems that many retained down through the 1950s and even into the
Œ60s. It was widespread practice for countries to have one exchange
rate for goods and services (sometimes various exchange rates for
different import and export categories) and another for “capital
movements.” Under American pressure, the IMF enforced
the pretence that there is an “equilibrium” rate that just happens
to be the same for goods and services as it is for capital
movements. Governments that did not buy into this ideology were
excluded from membership in the IMF and World Bank
or were overthrown.
The implication today is that the only way a nation can block
capital movements is to withdraw from the IMF, the
World Bank and the World Trade Organization (WTO). For the first
time since the 1950s this looks like a real possibility, thanks to
worldwide awareness of how the U.S. economy is glutting the global
economy with surplus “paper” dollars and U.S. intransigence at
stopping its free ride. From the U.S. vantage point, this is
nothing less than an attempt to curtail its international military
program.
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=12944